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Tuesday 4 February 2020

The Anti-CAA/NRC/NPR Movement: Hope and Prospects




in India — by Dr Prem Singh — January 30, 2020

1.
The government’s decisions on the Kashmir-problem, the temple-mosque dispute, the Assam-problem (National Register of Citizens) and the Citizenship Amendment Act highlight four things: (1) That the decisions are motivated with an intention of communal polarization. (2) That the role of democratic institutions and processes has been merely perfunctory in these decisions. (3) These decisions are not characteristic of a responsible government. (4) These decisions have resulted in more confusion than clarity. (5) The decisions also act as a distraction from the failures of the economy. The job of a government is to maintain peace and prosperity in national life by following the Constitution. The current government has a majority, and also a declared agenda. This government is using its majority to fuel the forces of majoritarianism. As a result the penetration of bigotry is making inroads into majority Hindu society, whose mainstream had been liberal. This anti-constitutional posture of the government is causing irreparable damage to the Indian nation-state and national life.
It would have been better if the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which entered into a joint government with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Jammu and Kashmir, would have introduced the bill on the solution of the Kashmir problem in the state assembly for an open and wide discussion; it would have been better had the government decided to build a temple at the disputed site in Ayodhya by making laws in Parliament on the strength of the majority instead of using the Supreme Court to make the judicial process meaningless; it would have been better had the implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) been restricted to Assam only as before; it would have been better had the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) not have made a reference to the religious communities and would also have included refugees coming from Sri Lanka, Nepal, Myanmar and China. Whether or not to grant citizenship to refugees of any country or religion is always a prerogative of any government. If the current government was desirous of granting citizenship only to Hindus who are victims of persecution in Pakistan and Bangladesh, it could have done so without tampering with the constitutional secular character of the country. With this step of the government, the image of India as an anti-constitutional and communal country is being created in democratic countries abroad. The government should take a serious note of this international criticism and make necessary changes at least in the Citizenship Amendment Act at the earliest.
It’s a known fact that a large number of Bangladeshi people illegally come to India in search of livelihood and then continue to live here. It is the job of government and administration to identify them. However on this pretext, it is not appropriate in any way to create a ruckus about the citizenship identity of the entire population of the country. I have a suggestion to make here. The Government of India should identify Bangladeshis and arrange to give them work permits for a certain period of time. The permits of those whose conduct and work are good can be extended further. There is no question of giving citizenship in this. They are all poor labourers working in unorganised sector. Harassment is not just religious or political. India can also suggest the inclusion of perpetual poverty in the category of persecution by the United Nations and governments.
2.
The communal and secular camps in India should be grateful to Gandhi for at least one of his contribution i.e. he withheld the Muslims in India at the time of Partition. They are of use for both the camps. Had it not been for Muslims in India in such a large number, most probably Modi would not have been the Prime Minister of India and his lieutenant Shah Home Minister. If there were no Muslims, the business of secular intellectuals would have been diluted. The Muslims are also necessary for the leaders of social justice politics. After their castes, the Muslims compensate for votes which enable them to rule. The Muslims are also cultivating votes for Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which has come straight from the womb of neo-liberalism. It is not always appropriate to blame the ulema for the problems of Muslims. It was the responsibility of the country’s leaders, intellectuals and the conscious civil society that the hard working Muslim population should not remain in the grip of the ulema and become independent citizens. At the most, it can be said that as much as the ulema want a Muslim devoid of civic consciousness, so does the communal and secular camps.
It has been over a month now. The Muslims are the axis of the voice against the CAA/NRC/NPR in the entire country. This movement is spontaneous to a large extent. The participation of young people and the women has made this movement unique. Shaheen Bagh’s dharna in Delhi, despite many allegations and counter-allegations, has become a symbol of the spontaneous movement which has had an impact on other cities of the country. This indicates that at least a large part of the Muslim population is becoming essential to themselves as citizens for the first time. The Prime Minister’s attention has also gone to this side. He had earlier taunted the dress of those opposing CAA/NRC/NPR. Then he expressed satisfaction that it is a good thing that Muslims have started carrying tricolor. However, the agitators need to keep in mind that as the neo-imperialist slavery has been tightened, the waving of the tricolor has become much faster. The tricolor is no longer the flag of India’s pride and sovereignty, as much as the flag of corporate politics.
Some such voices are also heard that new leaders will come out of the anti-CAA/NRC/NPR movement. Hope and possibilities should always be welcomed. But in view of the crisis, there is a need for new political understanding and ideology against the new imperialist system, not the new leaders. New leaders are coming out constantly. Among them are the children of established leaders and children of the Ford Foundation (those who are funded by various foundations through big NGOs), as well as community/caste based leaders. One would soon come to know that the community/caste based leaders are either sponsored by big parties like BJP-Congress or regional parties or they become leaders due to some public resistance, and sit in the lap of established parties. If this is the achievement of the thirty years of anti-imperialist struggle in India, then it is a matter of serious concern. All the youth, including the Muslims, who understand the meaning and function of the national independence, should consider it to be a little stagnant.
Due to the upcoming assembly elections in Delhi, the political parties have a particular interest in the anti-CAA/NRC/NPR movement. The BJP is trying to make it in its favor by propagating that it is a movement of the Muslims only. It sees the movement of Shaheen Bagh as beneficial for polarization of Hindu votes in its favour. The ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in Delhi state has not categorically opposed the CAA/NRC/NPR saying that Hindus are also involved in the movement. It has made this strategy to confuse both Hindus and Muslims. Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal has already spoken of ‘Hindu-interest’ by calling the Supreme Court’s decision to build a temple in Ayodhya in place of a mosque as historical. Although the Communists have no popular support base in Delhi, they have decided to support AAP. The Congress has already been labeled as a ‘party of Muslims’. It has undoubtedly taken a risk by openly opposing CAA/NRC/NPR. Any way, it will be interesting to see what shape/form the politics of the new leadership takes which is being projected by the movement. Movements are also a game of possibilities!

(The writer is a teacher of Hindi at Delhi University)

Gov’t became enemy of the people: Indian activist at US Congressional briefing

Gov’t became enemy of the people: Indian activist at US Congressional briefing
Dr Sandeep Pandey makes a powerful statement revealing excesses committed against anti-CAA protesters and dissenters in India, allegedly will full blessings of the regime.
 Sabrangindia                                                                                                          30 Jan 2020

On Wednesday, renowned human rights activist Dr Sandeep Pandey spoke at a Congressional Briefing in Washington D.C, where he recounted not only his own experience with being persecuted and harassed by a vindictive regime, but also how many other Indians who dared to speak up against the government were made to suffer.
Dr Pandey has been a highly respected member of civil society and has raised his voice for a multitude of cause over the last 27 years. But just last year, he was placed under house arrest thrice! He recounted this saying, “I was put under house arrest in Lucknow, the capital of the north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, on 11 and 16 August and 19 December 2019. The first two times on the issue of Kashmir and on the third occasion on the issue of the Citizenship Amendment Act and National Register of Citizens.” He added, “On 17 and 19 August 2019 and 15 January 2020 I was prevented from visiting Ayodhya. The ruling Bhartiya Janata Party government doesn’t want any alternative view on Kashmir, Ayodhya or CAA-NRC to be expressed.”

Brutality inflicted upon protesting students
He then went on to narrate how the police and security forces inflicted brutality on university students, saying, “The Government became the enemy of people who participated in protests against the CAA and NRC after the Act was promulgated in December 2019. The crackdown started with Jamia Millia University in New Delhi and Aligarh Muslim University in UP. The police used tear gas shells and stun grenades to attack students. Mohammad Tariq, a PhD student at AMU, had to get one hand amputated, Nasir lost one thumb and both hands of Tanzim were fractured. First Information Reports against 57 named and 1,200 unnamed were lodged and 26 students were detained on 15 December 2019, and were released after local protests and road blockades by people. Ahamad Raza Khan, a student of Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti Urdu Arabi Farsi University in Lucknow was rusticated for merely giving a call for a demonstration.”

Persecution of activists
He also went on to narrate the plight of activists who were tortured in custody by the UP police. Pandey said, “On 19 December, when the call for nationwide protests was given, masked young men appeared from nowhere and indulged in arson and rioting during the peaceful protests in Lucknow. The police didn’t stop them in spite of activist Sadaf Zafar pleading with them, of which there is recorded evidence. Later activists like Sadaf Zafar and Pawan Rao Ambedkar were arrested along with a number of common people, some of whom participated in protests and some were just passers-by. Activist Deepak Kabir was arrested when he went to see Sadaf Zafar at the Hazratganj Police Station in Lucknow. Activist Robin Verma and ‘The Hindu,’ a prominent Indian newspaper, correspondent Omar Rashid were arrested by police on the evening of 19 December. Sadaf Zafar, Pawan Rao Ambedkar, Deepak Kabir and Robin Verma were subjected to torture inside the Hazratganj police station before being sent to jail and Omar Rashid was abused because of his Kashmiri background and then let off after some senior journalists were able to put pressure on the Chief Minister’s Office.” He also narrated how even the elderly weren’t spared saying, “Septuagenarians Advocate Mohammad Shoaib and retired Dalit Inspector General of Police S.R. Darapuri were arrested, even though they were detained at their homes on the day protests and violence took place and sent to jail. The time and place of the arrest of Advocate Shoaib and Darapuri were wrongly shown. Advocate Shoaib was not produced before any Magistrate nor did he sign any arrest memo.”

Targeting Muslims
Pandey then went on to reveal the regime’s insidious ploy to use the protests as an excuse to target Muslims in Uttar Pradesh and how all this transpired allegedly with Chief Minister Adityanath’s blessings. Pandey said, “The CM Yogi Adityanath in a meeting on the evening of 19 December with senior administrative and police officials spoke of taking revenge on people who had indulged in violence and later also said the cost of damage to public property will be recovered from the rioters. After this, police went berserk and indulged in brutal repression. They vandalized homes of well to do Muslims in Muzaffarnagar like Hamid Hasan, Intezar and Farooq in Sarwat and Naseem Ahmed and Ishtekhar in Khalapar, lathi-charged gatherings of Muslims coming out after performing Friday Namaz on 20 December in Meerut and even opened fire.” He added, “When the injured were taken to government hospitals, they refused to entertain them saying that there were instructions from the administration not to treat people with bullet injuries. A number of people injured in police firing did not go to any doctor for the fear of their names being included in the FIRs making them liable to pay for damage to public property caused due to rioting.”   
Pandey also said that the anti-Muslim narrative was spun with full support and willing participation from those in the highest echelons of power. He said, “Even though common citizens including non-Muslims participated in protests almost everywhere, the police and administration targeted only Muslims to create an impression that it was Muslims who created trouble. Prime Minister Narendra Modi even said that miscreants can be recognized from their dress. The ruling BJP was clearly indulging in politics of polarization and communalization by doing this.”
He concluded by saying, “It is a politics of divisiveness, polarization and communalization for political gains. The government has become an enemy to a segment of the population, Muslims and people who don’t agree with its views.”

Mahatma Gandhi: 'My Ramrajya means Khuda ki Basti... but a Secular State'


Mahatma Gandhi: 'My Ramrajya means Khuda ki Basti... but a Secular State'


Teesta Setalvad                                                                                          30 Jan 2020
First published on: 02 Oct 2016

“By Ram Rajya I do not mean Hindu Raj. I mean by Ramarajya Divine Raj, Khuda ki Basti or the Kingdom of God on Earth”  Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi[1]
 
At the heart of the visceral animosity that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Hindu Mahasabha (HMS) and all the affiliates have against Gandhi is his deep, reasoned and passionate commitment to a composite Indian nationhood. His writings in Young India and Harijan are well-documented as also is his subsequent clarity on the issue which is unequivocal[2]


Faced with the growing appeal of communalists across the religious spectrum, in the early-mid 1900s,  Gandhi remained firm in his commitment to equal citizenship based on human rights and dignity.....
...
Under Gandhi’s guidance and leadership, communal amity remained central to the constructive programmes of the Congress. Muslim intellectuals and leaders of national stature, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, Dr Ansari Hakim Ajmal Khan, Badruddin Tyabjee, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Jauhar Ali were proud part of the Congress fold. While the larger national movement, represented by the Congress and Revolutionaries, was surging ahead with a wider vision and inclusive foundation of Indian nationhood, at play were majoritarian and minority communal forces, in parallel, pushing their narrow, hate-driven, communal agendas.

In 1937, at the open session of the Hindu Mahasabha held at Ahmedabad, V.D. Savarkar, in his presidential address asserted: “India cannot be assumed today to be a unitarian and homogenous nation, but on the contrary there are two nations in the main – the Hindus and the Muslims.”[3] By 1945, Savarkar had gone to the extent of stating, “I have no quarrel with Mr. Jinnah’s two–nation theory. We, the Hindus are a nation by ourselves, and it is a historical fact that the Hindus and the Muslims are two nations”[4]It was this sentiment of separate and irreconcilable identities of the followers of these religions that led to the communal holocaust and the formation of Pakistan. 

If the Muslim League and Jinnah need to squarely be positioned for their responsibility in articulating a politics that eventually led to a communal bloodbath, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtritya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) with their consistently divisive politics cannot escape their share of the blame.

Arguably, as much as Gandhi’s and the larger, Congress’ commitment to secular and composite Indian nationhood, a deep source of resentment for the proponents of a Hindu Rashtra was the democratic and egalitarian agenda being articulated by the national leadership through the Karachi resolution. The attempts on Gandhi’s life that began in 1934 were a response to the dominant political articulations on nationhood, caste and economic and other democratic rights that were in direct challenge to a hegemonistic and authoritarian Hindu Rashtra. 1933, the year before the first attempt on Gandhi’s life, he had declared firm support to two Bills, one of whom was against the abhorrent practice of Untouchability.

The run up to Independence and unfortunately, Partition, was the scene or battle ground for fundamentally different notions of nationhood. While over one hundred years of sustained movements and mobilizations to throw off British yoke were wedded in the united battle of all Indians against foreign rule, the early-mid 1900s saw the birth and emergence of sectarian and communal definitions of Indian and Pakistani nationhood. With the birth of the Hindu Mahasabha, the Muslim League and the RSS, these movements were in constant battle with the larger movement, significantly, at different points of time actually acting as collaborators with the British.
…..

Later, on January 27, 1935, Gandhi addressed some members of the Central Legislature. He told them that "(e)ven if the whole body of Hindu opinion were to be against the removal of untouchability, still he would advise a secular legislature like the Assembly not to tolerate that attitude.".[5] On January 20, 1942 Gandhi remarked while discussing the Pakistan scheme: "What conflict of interest can there be between Hindus and Muslims in the matter of revenue, sanitation, police, justice, or the use of public conveniences? The difference can only be in religious usage and observance with which a secular state has no concern." [6] From then until he was shot dead in cold blood on January 30, 1948, his responses and articulation on the disassociation of religion from politics became even clearer and sharper. This meant in effect he was a great threat to past and present day proponents of a Hindu Rashtra.

[[As quoted by Nauriya, in the Hindu, 2003, in September 1946, Gandhi told a Christian missionary: "If I were a dictator, religion and state would be separate. I swear by my religion. I will die for it. But it is my personal affair. The state has nothing to do with it. The state would look after your secular welfare, health, communications, foreign relations, currency and so on, but not your or my religion. That is everybody's personal concern!" Gandhi's talk with Rev. Kellas of the Scottish Church College, Calcutta on August 16, 1947, the day after Independence, was reported in Harijan on August 24:

"Gandhiji expressed the opinion that the state should undoubtedly be secular. It could never promote denominational education out of public funds. Everyone living in it should be entitled to profess his religion without let or hindrance, so long as the citizen obeyed the common law of the land. There should be no interference with missionary effort, but no mission could enjoy the patronage of the state as it did during the foreign regime." This understanding came subsequently to be reflected in Articles 25, 26 and 27 of the Constitution.

On the next day, August 17, Gandhi elaborated publicly on the same point in his speech at Narkeldanga, which Harijan reported thus: "In the India for whose fashioning he had worked all his life every man enjoyed equality of status, whatever his religion was. The state was bound to be wholly secular. He went so far as to say that no denominational institution in it should enjoy state patronage. All subjects would thus be equal in the eye of the law." Five days later, Gandhi observed in a speech at Deshbandhu Park in Calcutta on August 22, 1947: "Religion was a personal matter and if we succeeded in confining it to the personal plane, all would be well in our political life... If officers of Government as well as members of the public undertook the responsibility and worked wholeheartedly for the creation of a secular state, we could build a new India that would be the glory of the world." Speaking on Guru Nanak's birthday on November 28, 1947, Gandhi opposed any possibility of state funds being spent for the renovation of the Somnath temple. His reasoning was: "After all, we have formed the Government for all. It is a `secular' government, that is, it is not a theocratic government, rather, it does not belong to any particular religion. Hence it cannot spend money on the basis of communities." ]]

Excerpted from Beyond Doubt: A Dossier on Gandhi's Assassination, Teesta Setalvad, Introduction by the author
 

[1] Ibid, from The Collected works of Mahatma Gandhi
[2] Ibid
[3] Swatantarya Veer Savarkar, Vol. 6 page 296, Maharashtra Prantiya Hindu Mahasabha, Pune
[4] Indian Educational Register, 1943, vol. 2, page 10
  [5] Gandhi in Young India, September 19, 1929, p. 305.
[6] Gandhi on secular law and state,   http://hindu.com/2003/10/22/stories/2003102200891000.htm. Anil Nauriya

Gunman fires at protesters near Jamia, injures one


Gunman fires at protesters near Jamia, injures one
Man yelled “Yeh lo azaadi” before opening fire in full view of police and media

Sabrangindia                                                                                          30 Jan 2020

On Thursday afternoon, a gunman who identified himself as Rambhakt Gopal, opened fire on a group of protesters near Jamia Milia Islamia University (JMIU). The group of people, including JMIU students, who were protesting the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and demanding a return to Gandhian values of peace, inclusion and tolerance, were planning to march from the university to Raj Ghat when the incident occurred.
Shockingly, the events unfolded in front of the police and security personnel deployed on the spot as well as in full view of media persons who had gathered to cover the march. A video of the incident went viral and may be viewed here:


This guy open fired at jamia student in front of university.
The shooter was shouting " kis ko chahiye azadi?main dunga azadi#Jamia

1
 The man reportedly said, “Kisko chahiye azaadi, yeh lo azaadi,” (Who wants freedom? Here’s your freedom!) before he fired his gun. One young man identified as Shadaab was injured in the firing. His hand was covered in blood when he was rushed to the hospital.
In this video tweeted by NDTV journalist Sreenivasan Jain, the man can be clearly seen firing his weapon and also telling media persons that his name is Rambhakt Gopal:


In this video, the shooter can be seen firing before the police finally springs to life and grabs him. As he is bundled into a police vehicle, the media asks for his name, he shouts 'Rambhakt Gopal'.

This incident comes just days after BJP’s Anurag Thakur encouraged people attending an election rally in Delhi to shoot traitors. He chanted “desh ke gaddaron ko…” to which the crowd responded with “goli maaro s****n ko” (Gun down traitors to the nation). Another man brandishing a gun had recently entered the site of the sit-in protest at Shaheen Bagh in Delhi. A vast majority of the protesters at Shaheen Bagh are women and there were also many children present at the venue. Luckily people were able to overpower the gunman at Shaheen Bagh and confiscate his weapon before he got a chance to fire it.
At the site of today’s incident though, the police and security personnel made no attempt to stop the gunman. An eyewitness told NDTV, “We were standing near the barricades when suddenly this outsider, whom none of us recognised, tried to disturb the peace of the march. He marches forward with a revolver in his hand. We were all trying to stop him and calm him down. The policemen were standing there. We tried to approach them to stop that guy. But they just kept standing there simply. When we tried to take the revolver from his hand, he shot one of our friends.”